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Throughout the 1920s and 30s the
previously politically dormant rural majority of Bengal had been awakened by
groups like the Krisak Praja Party. This, and the infighting in the Bengal
Provincial Congress party, led inevitably to the late 1930s and most of the
1940s of rural or Muslim based parties. Fazlul Huq, Kwaja Nazimuddin, and
finally H.S. Suhrawardy successively led Bengal governments from Calcutta with
the Krisak Praja Party, the Muslim League or combination thereof, interrupted
only by intrigues and vicious infighting and periods of governors rule.
It was only the fact that the
secessionist Muslim League won out in the inter-party struggle and ultimately
took much of Bengal and most of her Muslim voters to Pakistan, which allowed
Congress to regain power in the assembly at independence.
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The problem of Indian independence has been made difficult by the fact that in India politics are closely tied to religion. Some of the religious groups mentioned earlier in the Guide distrust one another politically.
There are only about one-third as many Moslems as there are Hindus and they are afraid that a majority government controlled by the more numerous Hindus would mean that they would be neglected. They have their own party called the Moslem League. Its president is Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Not all Moslems belong to this party any more than all Hindus belong to the Congress, and many Moslems do not think that the fears of the Moslem League are justified. The league has been demanding that India be divided into at least two separate nations. One nation would be part of the country where the Hindus are in the majority. The other nation would be that where the Moslems are in the majority. This plan is called Pakistan.
(source: “A Pocket Guide to India” Special Service Division, Army Service Forces, United States Army. War and Navy Departments Washington D.C [early 1940s]: at: http://cbi-theater-2.home.comcast.net/booklet/guide-to-india.html)
(COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Reproduced under 'fair dealing' terms as part of a non commercial educational research project. The copyright remains with the original submitter/author)
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In a country where deep
political and religious convictions often lead to bloodshed, 74-year-old Abul Kasem Fuzlul Huq has a
singularly open mind. Huq can be converted, and
in the grip of conversion, can convert others. He can also be
re-converted.
As president of the
Moslem League, in 1916-19, 1921, pot-bellied Huq had helped to inflame Moslems with their first dream of
Pakistan. But in 1943, when he lost the
premiership of Bengal Province he was converted to the predominantly
Hindu All-India Congress, turned like a
tiger on the League and its president Mohamed Ali Jinnah.
Last summer, Huq failed
to get a big Interim Government job despite a Congress recommendation, was
naturally disappointed. When 200 Moslem students, armed with sticks and knives,
politely urged him to rejoin the glorious fight for Pakistan, Huq was converted
again. He made a new try for his old job as Bengal Premier, also launched
a campaign to stop Mohandas Gandhi's
"neighborly" preaching in Bengal. Cried Huq: "I am surprised to see Moslems in Noakhali
tolerating Gandhi peacefully!"
Then Huq lost the Bengal
election, and Gandhi invited him down to discuss Huq's view that Bihar Province needed the Mahatma more than
Bengal. There, at Noakhali, old Huq had his
supreme moment. He converted Gandhi, sent the Hindu saint packing off on
a Bihar side trip. Huq announced that
the Mahatma had converted him, too. Said Huq to a meeting of Moslems: "I intend to spend the rest of
my life preaching good will among Hindus and
Moslems."
(COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Reproduced under 'fair dealing' terms as part of a non commercial educational research project. The copyright remains with Time Magazine)
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While approving and endorsing the action taken by the Council and the Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League, as indicated in their resolution dated the27th of August, 17th and 18th September and 22nd of October 1939, and 3rd of February 1940 on the constitutional issue, this Session of the All-India Muslim League emphatically reiterates that the scheme of federation embodied in the Government of India Act, 1935, is totally unsuited to, and unworkable in the peculiar conditions of this country and is altogether unacceptable to Muslim India.
It further records its
emphatic view that while the declaration dated the 18th of October 1939 made by
the Viceroy on behalf of His Majesty's Government is reassuring in so far as it
declares that the policy and plan on which the Government of India Act, 1939 is
based will be reconsidered in consultation with the various parties, interests
and communities in India, Muslim India will not be satisfied unless the whole
constitutional plan is reconsidered de nova and that no revised plan would be
acceptable to the Muslims unless it is framed with their approval and consent.
Resolved that it is the
considered view of this Session of the All-India Muslim League that no
constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the
Muslims unless it is designed on the following basis principles, viz. that
geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be
constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary, that the
areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the
North-Western and Eastern and zones of India should be grouped to constitute 'Independent
State' in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.
The adequate, effective
and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the Constitution
for Minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection of their
religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and
interests in consultation with them and in mother parts of India where the
Mussalmans are in a minority adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards shall
be specifically provided in the Constitution for them and other Minorities for
the protection of their religious, cultural, economics political,
administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them.
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As the tough negotiations
for transfer of power began to heat up and communalise the political
atmosphere, in front of our eyes the slum dwellers turned into active
supporters of the Muslim League. They began to fly the green flag of the party
and, sometimes, take out small processions accompanied by much frenzied drum
beating. Many of the enthusiasts were middle-aged and looked very poor and
innocuous in their tattered clothes, even while shouting aggressive, martial
slogans. Their newfound politics did not change our distant but friendly social
equation with them. We, the children, were not afraid of them, and when we
teased them, they smiled. They would passionately shout their slogans and we
the kids would reply in our tinny voices: Kanme bidi, muhme pan, Ladke lenge
Pakistan. In any case, their fierce slogans seemed totally incongruous with
their betel nut chewing, easy style.
(source pages 2 of Ashis Nandy: “Death of an Empire” in Persimmon. Asian Literature, Arts and Culture (Volume III, Number 1, New York, Spring 200r also www.sarai.net/journal/02PDF/03morphologies/ 04death_empire.pdf pp 14-20 Sarai Reader 2002: The Cities of Everyday Life.)
(COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Reproduced under 'fair dealing' terms as part of a non commercial educational research project. The copyright remains with Ashis Nandy)
He was a sincere
supporter of students and their causes. For the common man, he had a special
place in his heart. He wholeheartedly exhorted the students to work for the
Pakistan movement. Under his guidance, the All Bengal Muslim Students League
was formed.
This body of the youth of Bengal plunged into the Pakistan movement with total dedication. Branches of this organization were formed all over Bengal and the students worked for the Muslim League during the run-up to the 1945-46 elections to the Bengal Assembly that actually became an election for Pakistan. The election resulted in a resounding victory for the Muslim League and for Pakistan.
(source Roquyya Jafri : “A model of political rectitude.” http://www.dawn.com/2003/09/08/op.htm)
(COPYRIGHT NOTICE: Reproduced under 'fair dealing' terms as part of a non commercial educational research project. The copyright remains with Roquyya Jafri)
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My dear ????, ???,
Many thanks for all you kindness + attention.
Herewith Rs 10/- for the ????.
I am ??? I forgot to pay up. Habit.
Please convey my regards to Mrs. Boyce-Cooper and tell her
I shall rememeber her to ????
I hope it did not bore her too much – I donot know wheny I expanded at
such a late hour.
I hope she could follow the ramificatious revolutions of our communal
policies.
I hope she remember something of it.
Will she be too ? enough to write it when she comes to
Best wishes
Your ????
HSSuhrawardy
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Comment by MM Stuart:
No date - from the chief minister Suhrawardy, a terrible rogue but most
charming. Must have been at Durbar with me and a military wife “Winkie” Boyce
–Cupar.
She dropped off his ???? when he was explaining about the idea of
I have no idea what he owed me Rs 10/- for: very unlike him to pay.
(source: personal
scrapbook kept by Malcolm
Moncrieff Stuart O.B.E., I.C.S. seen on 20-Dec-2005 /
Reproduced by courtesy of Mrs. Malcolm Moncrieff Stuart)
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Last
updated: 19-May-2009
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If there
are any technical problems, factual inaccuracies or things you have to add,
then please contact the group
under info@calcutta1940s.org